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"I Didn't Want To Be 'That Girl'": The Social Risks of Labeling, Telling, and Reporting Sexual Assault

Shamus R. Khan, Jennifer S. Hirsch, Alexander Wamboldt, Claude A. Mellins

Sociological Science, July 12, 2018
10.15195/v5.a19


This article deploys ethnographic data to explain why some students do not label experiences as sexual assault or report those experiences. Using ideas of social risks and productive ambiguities, it argues that not labeling or reporting assault can help students (1) sustain their current identities and allow for several future ones, (2) retain their social relationships and group affiliations while maintaining the possibility of developing a wider range of future ones, or (3) avoid derailing their current or future goals within the higher educational setting, or what we call “college projects.” Conceptually, this work advances two areas of sociological research. First, it expands the framework of social risks, or culturally specific rationales for seemingly illogical behavior, by highlighting the interpersonal and institutional dimensions of such risks. Second, it urges researchers to be more attentive to contexts in which categorical ambiguity or denial is socially productive and to take categorical avoidance seriously as a subject of inquiry. Substantively, this work advances knowledge of why underreporting of campus sexual assault occurs, with implications for institutional policies to support students who have experienced unwanted nonconsensual sex regardless of how those students may label what happened.
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Network Evolution and Social Situations

Per Block

Sociological Science, July 5, 2018
10.15195/v5.a18


Studying the evolution of friendship networks has a long tradition in sociology. Multiple micromechanisms underlying friendship formation have been discovered, the most pervasive being reciprocity, transitivity, and homophily. Although each mechanism is studied in depth on its own, their relation to one another is rarely analyzed, and a theoretical framework that integrates research on all of them does not exist. This article introduces a friendship evolution model, which proposes that each micromechanism is related to interactions in different social situations. Based on this model, decreasing returns to embedding in multiple mechanisms are hypothesized. Complete social network data of adolescents and statistical network models are used to test these hypotheses. Results show a consistently negative interaction in line with the formulated model. The consequences of this negative relation between the network evolution mechanisms are explored in a simulation study, which suggests that this is a strong determinant of network-level integration and segregation.
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At the Expense of Quality

Brittany M. Bond, Tatiana Labuzova, Roberto M. Fernandez

Sociological Science, June 28, 2018
10.15195/v5.a17


Many organizations use employee referral programs to incentivize employees to refer potential applicants from their social networks. Employers frequently offer a monetary bonus to employees who refer an applicant, and this is often contingent on whether the person is then hired and retained for a given length of time. In deciding whether to refer someone, referrers face a potential role conflict, as they need to balance their motivations for helping connections find job opportunities with concerns regarding their reputations with their employers. To the extent that monetary incentives shift an employee’s considerations away from finding the best matches for the employer, referral bonuses may increase the chances that lower-quality candidates are referred. Using a survey vignette experiment, we find that even a small referral bonus increases the likelihood that referrers will refer lower-quality candidates, and they are more likely to refer people they do not know well. We further discuss theoretical and practical implications regarding the efficiency of incentivized referral programs in producing quality applicant pools for employers.
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The Diverging Beliefs and Practices of the Religiously Affiliated and Unaffiliated in the United States

Aaron Gullickson

Sociological Science, June 21, 2018
10.15195/v5.a16


Since 1990, the percentage of Americans with no religious affiliation has grown substantially. Prior work has shown that between 1990 and 2000, the religiously unaffiliated population also became more religious in belief and practices, both in absolute terms and relative to the affiliated population. This curious empirical finding is believed to be driven by a dilution effect in which moderate believers disaffiliated from organized religion without giving up religious beliefs and practices. In the current article, I use data from the General Social Survey to show that this convergence of beliefs and practices of the religiously affiliated and unaffiliated ended around 2000. Since 2000, the religiously unaffiliated have decreased their belief in God and the afterlife and have not increased their prayer frequency. The trends for the affiliated have been either increasing or unchanging, and thus, the religious practices and beliefs of the religiously affiliated and unaffiliated have diverged since 2000. The change in trend for the religiously unaffiliated after 2000 cannot fully be explained by generational succession or the growing percentage of Americans raised without religion. Although the unaffiliated remain very heterogeneous in their beliefs and practices, these results point to a growing religious polarization in the United States.
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Mass Imprisonment and the Extended Family

Pil H. Chung, Peter Hepburn

Sociological Science, June 14, 2018
10.15195/v5.a15


This study employs microsimulation techniques to provide an accounting of exposure to imprisoned or formerly imprisoned kin. We characterize the risk and prevalence of imprisonment within full kinship networks and find that the life course trajectories of familial imprisonment experienced by black and white Americans take on qualitatively distinct forms: the average black American born at the height of the prison boom experienced the imprisonment of a relative for the first time at age 7 and by age 65 belongs to a family in which more than 1 in 7 working-age relatives have ever been imprisoned. By contrast, the average white American who experiences the imprisonment of a relative does not do so until age 39 and by age 65 belongs to a family in which 1 in 20 working-age relatives have ever been imprisoned. Future reductions in imprisonment rates have the potential to meaningfully reduce these racial disparities in family imprisonment burden.
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Moore–Penrose Estimators of Age–Period–Cohort Effects: Their Interrelationship and Properties

Ethan Fosse, Christopher Winship

Sociological Science, June 7, 2018
10.15195/v5.a14


The intrinsic estimator (IE) has become a widely used tool for the analysis of age–period–cohort (APC) data in sociology, demography, and other fields. However, it has been recently recognized that the IE is a subtype of a larger class of estimators based on the Moore–Penrose generalized inverse (MP estimators) and that different estimators can lead to radically divergent estimates of the true, unknown APC effects. To clarify the differences and similarities of MP estimators, we introduce a canonical form of the linear constraints imposed on the true temporal effects. Using this canonical form, we compare the IE to related MP estimators, examining the conditions under which they recover the true temporal effects, the impact of the size and sign of nonlinearities on the estimated linear effects, and their sensitivity to the number of age, period, and cohort categories. We show that two MP estimators, which we call the difference estimator (DE) and the orthogonal estimator (OE), impose constraints that are both less sensitive and easier to interpret than those of the IE. We conclude with practical guidelines for researchers interested in using MP estimators to estimate temporal effects.
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Gender Convergence in Housework Time: A Life Course and Cohort Perspective

Thomas Leopold, Jan Skopek, Florian Schulz

Sociological Science, May 31, 2018
10.15195/v5.a13


Knowledge about gender convergence in housework time is confined to changes studied across repeated cross-sections of data. This study adds a dynamic view that links broader social shifts in men’s and women’s housework time to individual life-course profiles. Using panel data from the German Socio-Economic Panel Study (1985–2015), our analysis is the first to trace changes in housework time across the entire adult life course (ages 20–90) and across a large range of cohorts (1920–1990). The results revealed two types of gender convergence in housework time. First, the gender gap converged across the life course, narrowing by more than 50 percent from age 35 until age 70. Life-course profiles of housework time were strongly gendered, as women’s housework time peaked in younger adulthood and declined thereafter, whereas men’s housework time remained stably low for decades and increased only in older age. Second, the gender gap converged across cohorts, narrowing by 40 percent from cohorts 1940 until 1960. Cohort profiles of housework time showed strong declines in women and moderate increases in men. Both cohort trends were linear and extended to the most recently born, supporting the notion of continued convergence in housework time.
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Gaydar and the Fallacy of Decontextualized Measurement

Andrew Gelman, Greggor Mattson, Daniel Simpson

Sociological Science, May 24, 2018
10.15195/v5.a12


Recent media coverage of studies about “gaydar,” the supposed ability to detect another’s sexual orientation through visual cues, reveal problems in which the ideals of scientific precision strip the context from intrinsically social phenomena. This fallacy of objective measurement, as we term it, leads to nonsensical claims based on the predictive accuracy of statistical significance. We interrogate these gaydar studies’ assumption that there is some sort of pure biological measure of perception of sexual orientation. Instead, we argue that the concept of gaydar inherently exists within a social context and that this should be recognized when studying it. We use this case as an example of a more general concern about illusory precision in the measurement of social phenomena and suggest statistical strategies to address common problems.
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Competition in the Family: Inequality between Siblings and the Intergenerational Transmission of Educational Advantage

Michael Grätz

Sociological Science, May 17, 2018
10.15195/v5.a11


Research on educational mobility is concerned with inequalities between families. Differences in innate abilities and parental responses lead, however, to educational differences between siblings. If parental responses vary by family socioeconomic background, within-family inequality can affect between-family inequality (i.e., educational mobility). This study uses data from the German Socio-Economic Panel Study (SOEP) to test whether sibling similarity in education varies by family socioeconomic background. In addition, I test whether the effects of birth order, birth spacing, and maternal age on education vary by family background. Results show that sibling similarity in education is similar in low– and high–socioeconomic status families. The negative influences of a higher birth order and a younger maternal age on educational attainment, however, are concentrated in socioeconomically disadvantaged families. These findings suggest that socioeconomically advantaged families do not generally compensate for ability differences between their children but that they compensate for disadvantageous life events.
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Trump Voters and the White Working Class

Stephen L. Morgan, Jiwon Lee

Sociological Science, April 16, 2018
10.15195/v5.a10


To evaluate the claim that white working-class voters were a crucial block of support for Trump in the 2016 presidential election, this article offers two sets of results. First, self-reports of presidential votes in 2012 and 2016 from the American National Election Studies show that Obama-to-Trump voters and 2012 eligible nonvoters composed a substantial share of Trump’s 2016 voters and were disproportionately likely to be members of the white working class. Second, when county vote tallies in 2012 and 2016 are merged with the public-use microdata samples of the 2012-to-2016 American Community Surveys, areal variations across 1,142 geographic units that sensibly partition the United States show that Trump’s gains in 2016 above Romney’s performance in 2012 are strongly related to the proportion of the voting population in each area that was white and working class. Taken together, these results support the claim that Trump’s appeal to the white working class was crucial for his victory.
Creative Commons LicenseThis work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.

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